Life as a volunteer for Legis

Jade Underwood, a 23-year-old British university student, hailing from the United Kingdom, embarked on a summer volunteering journey with Legis. Eager to avoid the pitfalls of passive “voluntourism”, Jade intentionally selected an organisation dedicated to creating a substantial and positive impact within their communities. Jade made the choice to document her experiences during her time with us at Legis, and we invite you to explore her reflections and stories below.

 

Day 1-2: Historical Context                                                                               08-09/08/23

 

Today I had the privilege of learning about the complex historical and political context of the balkan states from Legis’ project manager, Jasmina. As someone who had no prior or basic knowledge of this extremely complex political landscape, I could only manage to take some shorthand notes from Jasmina’s in depth yet fast-paced discussion.

 

I believed it held significance to document these conversations, as they offer a backdrop to the projects undertaken by Legis’ and those I later elaborate on in subsequent journal entries. It’s equally crucial to acknowledge that the forthcoming instances of historical and political occurrences, instigated by governing bodies, serve as illustrations of why refugees and migrants seek a better life. Unfortunately refugees and migrants have minimal influence over conflicts that detrimentally affect both the economy and peace, consequently diminishing theirs and their children’s overall quality of life.

 

The United Nations (UN) became involved in Bosnia during the early 1990s due to the Bosnian War, which was a result of the breakup of Yugoslavia. The war started in 1992 and lasted until 1995. The conflict was complex and involved various ethnic and nationalist groups, including Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), Croats, and Serbs. The war led to significant loss of life, displacement of populations, and destruction of infrastructure.

The UN’s involvement in Bosnia can be traced back to the deteriorating situation in the region and the international community’s efforts to find a peaceful resolution. The conflict had escalated into a brutal ethnic conflict, and there was a growing consensus that international intervention was necessary to end the bloodshed. This includes the 1995 Serbian genocide in which Bosnian Serb forces systematically executed thousands of Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) men and boys. The exact number of victims is still debated, but it is widely recognized as one of the worst instances of mass violence in Europe since World War II.

The United Nations (UN) and United States engaged with Bosnia through negotiations and promptly formulated the The Dayton Agreement, also known as the Dayton Accords, in an effort to cease the ongoing war. However, a notable issue emerged due to the omission of recognition for minority groups in the country’s constitution. This omission subsequently triggered numerous territorial disputes.

The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as outlined in the Dayton Agreement, essentially entrenched the political power-sharing arrangement among the three main ethnic groups – Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs – but it did not adequately address the rights and representation of other minority groups, such as Jews, Roma, and various ethnic communities.

Following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, it has been argued that there has been a recurring pattern of intolerance exhibited by Serbians towards other Balkan nations. Since the conflict, Macedonia has offered refuge to individuals displaced from Bosnia and Kosovo. Croatia has acknowledged and accepted responsibility for war crimes committed during the conflict, in contrast to Serbia, which has refrained from admitting its involvement.

Comparatively, Bosnia exhibits a higher degree of stability when compared to Kosovo and Serbia, both of which face persistent border-related challenges. Serbia adamantly refuses to acknowledge Kosovo’s independence, and it has been argued that the government actively encourages its citizens to adopt a similar stance. Serbia’s desire is for Kosovo’s status to be negated and for the territory to be incorporated into Serbia.

Serbia is observed to have engaged in provocative actions, including instances where Serbian police posed as civilians participating in protests against the Kosovo police, contributing to escalated tensions. The country has cultivated positive diplomatic relations with Russia, affording it limited exposure to international sanctions.

Arguably, Bosnia is in need of a revised constitution, but the population is disinclined towards conflict. Noteworthy divisions are present within Serbia, notably marked by cantons. Anti-Muslim propaganda has also been documented across balkan states. An illustrative example is the division of a school along cantonal lines in Bosnia. On the other hand,  the city of Sarajevo in Bosnia retains its status as the cultural hub of the former Yugoslavia. In terms of geography, people originating from Kosovo must journey to Skopje to acquire visas for entry into Bosnia. Notably, there are no direct train connections between Bosnia and Serbia; travel often occurs through Montenegro.

Serbia’s interference with the autonomy of neighbouring countries is evident. For instance, the provision of higher salaries and benefits to Serbians relocating to North Kosovo in support of Serbia’s political objectives has been reported. It has been argued that the European Union (EU) possesses knowledge of these actions but has refrained from imposing sanctions.

In summary, the dissolution of Yugoslavia marked a significant historical event with far-reaching consequences. The United Nations’ involvement in Bosnia aimed to resolve the conflict, but the constitution’s lack of minority group recognition caused further complications. Tensions persist between Serbia and its neighbours, with ongoing border disputes and differing levels of accountability for war crimes. Kosovo remains a subject of contention, as Serbia adamantly refuses to recognize its independence. The region’s complex dynamics include propaganda, division, and geopolitical influences that shape the current landscape.

Day 3-4: The Constitution                                                                                 09-10/08/23

The Macedonian conflict in 2001 originated from the dissatisfaction of the Albanian minority, as the largest minority in the country a decade after Macedonia gained independence in 1991 due to perceived inadequacies in their constitutional rights. This conflict resulted in fewer civilian casualties compared to previous wars in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. However, it was an unavoidable outcome because the Macedonian majority struggled to grasp the idea that granting rights to minorities wouldn’t equate to diminishing the rights of the majority, and that it would instead offer a peaceful resolution to the issues. Subsequently, the Ohrid Framework Agreement was established. This agreement outlined the necessary constitutional amendments, including increased rights for Albanians  and smaller minority groups such as access to higher education in their language, official status for the Albanian language in local municipalities, and proportional representation in public services like the military and police.

Prior to the new Macedonian constitution, it explicitly mentioned various minority groups such as the Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Roma, and Bosniaks. Today, all minority groups are officially recognized and enjoy better integration in the country. However, Macedonia faces a new challenge in its journey towards EU negotiations. One of the conditions for initiating these negotiations is amending the constitution to include Bulgarians, Croats, and Montenegrins. Although history indicates that both majority and minority groups stand to gain rights rather than lose them, the opposition from right-wing parties is impeding the progress of this process.

Day 5: Helping the Local Community                                                                   11/08/23

 

This morning I helped fold up clothes donations, ordered them by size and gender, and placed them on the shelves. Though it wasn’t compulsory for me to organise them in this way, I felt it could possibly make their search for clothes a more pleasant experience, even if this represents a small gesture of support for individuals who possess very little.

 

In the afternoon, we were pleased to receive a donation from a new partner – a local young doctor’s association. We were able to hand out vitamins to those in need. This included people from the local community, Roma citizens, as well as migrants travelling through Macedonia. I also learned how to say ‘take one per day’ in Macedonian, but I have since forgotten…

Day 6-7: Peacebuilding Project                                                                        14-15/08/23   

 

Today I learned of the several ongoing projects of Legis and expressed interest for greater involvement in the ‘Transforming Balkan Futures Peace by Peace’. The thematic areas of this project are: (1) youth empowerment and (2) engagement in society. By means of education and a week-long road trip spanning Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, and Macedonia, the project aims to cultivate a sense of peace among Balkan youth. These young individuals come from families that have experienced trauma due to the aforementioned conflicts, and are living in societies where governmental and political factions arguably endeavour to promote extreme nationalist ideologies. The students will be tasked to create a campaign that promotes acceptance of different cultures and ethnicities in the Balkans, which will be documented by Legis and promoted within each country.

 

  1. In Bosnia, there will be talks from women survivors of the Serbian genocide, learning about their experiences and advocacy efforts.
  2. In Montenegro, the children will explore cities that have retained their multicultural character, untouched by the war. They will also engage in discussions with individuals who serve as positive role models, demonstrating how politics has not compromised their perception of history and culture.
  3. In Kosovo, children will visit the memorial centre for victims of the Kosovo-Serbia war and its lasting effects present today, as well as learning what can be improved for the future. Children will also be taught by the local municipality about how the political system works between local and diverse communities, as well as how they are represented.
  4. In Macedonia, the children will meet the President of the Assembly of North Macedonia, who is of Albanian ethnicity and previously served as a commander of the Albanian units in the aforementioned 2001 conflict. Today, his complex role exists to manage all political ethnic parties representing: the Social Democratic Party, and parties representing Albanians, Turks, Roma, Bosnians and Serbians. Children will learn about the Ohrid Framework Agreement, and how multiculturalism is applied to this complex state system and constitution.

 

Eager to be part of this project, I offered to volunteer with Legis during the roadtrip, to which they agreed, depending on if we are successful in our grant proposal.

 

Day 8: Visiting the Vinojug Refugee Transit Centre                                            16/08/23

In the morning we began our 2 hour car journey to the southern border, between Greece and Macedonia, to visit the Vinojug refugee camp. During our journey, Yasmin, the President of Legis who shares the similar  name as the border manager, updated me about the role Legis played in assisting refugees along the highways we were travelling on. During 2015 and 2016, more than 850,000 refugees were officially passing through the border. At the beginning of this period, by Macedonian law the refugees were banned from public transport, so Legis played a huge role in helping repair refugees’ bicycles as they migrated across the highways. After witnessing the adult and children refugees struggle in the heat of their long and dangerous journey, Legis provided many lifesaving essentials and successfully lobbied the government to amend their policies to finally allow refugees access to public transport in June 2015. In total, Legis delivered 600,000 bags of food and 144,000 clothing items and free legal transit around this period.

 

However, in 2016, the southern border between Greece and Macedonia was closed due to new EU policies. This decision was made by a few EU countries such as Austria, Hungary, and Germany, which by March 2016, became EU policy. The new policies meant that all borders were closed from countries north of Macedonia (Serbia, Hungary, Croatia, Austria, etc), commonly known as the “Balkan Route” to western Europe, which left thousands of refugees stuck in Macedonia. At the time, Macedonia was merely considered a ‘transit country’ and therefore did not have the facilities to support refugees’ extended stay. As a result, many were placed into ‘transit camps’ that became severely overcrowded within inhumane conditions. Legis had been closely monitoring international debates on migration policies prior to the closure of western borders. Anticipating the refugee crisis, Legis advocated for the opening of the borders between Macedonia and Greece, along with the Turkish borders, as these points served as major entry routes for numerous refugees.

 

Regrettably, this suggestion was dismissed, resulting in NGOs like Legis and, on a larger scale, European nations outside the European Union, feeling excluded from the decision-making process. This has contributed to a sense of scepticism toward EU politicians and entities such as Frontex among these groups. Critics have pointed out that EU policies often overlook the interests of non-EU entities and can occasionally implement measures that prioritise their political objectives over upholding human rights principles. Upon arrival at the southern transit camp, I encountered a local policeman who informed me of the working relationship he has with Frontex who began working in the camp in April 2023. Frontex is part of the European Union’s ‘European Border and Coastguard Agency’, whose mission is to help European Union member states implement EU rules on external border controls and to coordinate cooperation between member states. Putting this into context, Frontex has worked with the local policeman of Macedonia to implement the EU laws and policies on migration. The local policeman is the deputy manager of the camp and was working with Frontex as a trainer on human rights during refugee registration.

 

To my surprise, more staff were situated in the camp than refugees. This included staff from Legis, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the UNHCR, the Red Cross of City of Skopje, Frontex and local Macedonian policemen. Each of these work collaboratively to process the refugees that are looking to cross the border from Greece to Macedonia. The local policeman informed me that approximately 50 refugees pass through the camp per day compared to more than 850,000 per year prior to 2015-2016. Though this could be interpreted to show the effectiveness of the EU policies, it has created a new issue of human traffickers smuggling refugees across the border.

 

Smugglers prey on the most vulnerable group of people, refugees, which often leads to many human rights abuses. This includes kidnapping, sex trafficking, forced labour and death from road accidents, physical exhaustion which leads to losing their limbs from attempting to cross train lines. The majority of refugees may not have ID rendering refugees vulnerable to go missing without a trace. At the camp, I was able to witness dozens of cars and trucks that police had caught from the smugglers who were attempting to smuggle refugees across the border. However, the number of smugglers caught is predicted to be less than those who aren’t caught. The President of Legis Jasmin informed me that an upcoming project is to lobby the authorities to remove the vehicles from the area to make positive use of the space for refugees, but also to prevent a dangerous explosion occurring due to the sun heating the gasoline inside many of the vehicles.

 

Although the closure of the border has significantly reduced the influx of refugees, there appears to be divided views regarding the efficiency of EU migration policies and their personnel, such as Frontex. I was informed that since Frontex’s arrival, they have replaced the local policeman in interviewing refugees. Some individuals note that this has been a positive move as many Frontex staff speak multiple languages, therefore reducing the cultural and language barriers that were an issue prior to their arrival. However, local staff have also criticised Frontex’s lack of transparency. Local staff are denied knowledge of the questions posed to refugees, and though this wasn’t presented as an overbearing issue, it was noted by various individuals nonetheless.

 

Although I couldn’t directly engage with the refugees, my visit to the room designated as a recreational haven for them was a moment I won’t forget. What impacted me the most during this experience was a flipboard adorned with the heartfelt aspirations of refugees, outlining ‘three things I aspire to achieve in 5 years’. Their desires painted a poignant picture: “I want to work with the UNCHR to help”, “try to become a peac maker”, “help the poor children in Africa”, “to have a better life”, “a life with my family”, “I want to travel with my family”, “I want marriage and family”, “boxing, cricket and football”, “I want to expand my business”. You’ll notice that many of these messages are focused on family, finding love and helping others – the simplest of things for privileged individuals. It’s astonishing that those who possess the least material wealth are the ones driven to extend help to others in need.

 

Day 9-10: Macedonia’s Political System Today                                              17-18/08/23

It was especially hot today, so after my daily 30 minute commute by bicycle, I was relieved at the thought of being able to sit down and relax at Legis. However, reality took a different turn as Jasmina (Legis Project Manager) launched into an unexpected and intense two-hour lecture on Macedonia’s political system – something I remain very grateful for. Although I greatly appreciate Jasmina’s informative talks, the sudden deep dive into a two-hour lesson caught me off guard and struck me as quite amusing. From my recollection, Jasmina covered topics such as Greece’s perspective on refugees (anti-refugee, pro-nationalism) and the rampant corruption that plagued Macedonia’s political landscape, attributed to the former Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski.

While the political system of Macedonia is officially categorised as “parliamentary” on paper, Jasmina revealed that this label couldn’t be further from the truth. The public administration sector stands as Macedonia’s largest employer. Employees within this sector often find themselves deeply intertwined with politics and frequently align themselves with Macedonian political parties. It’s a common practice for these individuals to rally their families to vote for the same political parties they support, effectively magnifying the influence of these parties in elections. This strategy inflates the number of votes cast, exceeding the unbiased population figures. With Macedonia’s population hovering around 2 million, around 900,000 votes makes a government, which approximately amounts to the number of those working in public administration plus their family. Arguably, this is what leads to a win for any political party. These figures, albeit approximate, underscore the inherent flaw in the system that enables corruption to persist.

This systemic issue played a pivotal role in Nikola Gruevski’s audacious embezzlement of 11 billion pounds from Macedonia’s coffers. Upon his escape, he sought “political asylum” in Hungary, a request that was granted under the condition that he invest a substantial portion of his wealth in Hungary’s economy. To evade prosecution, Gruevski resorted to bribing prosecutors, causing deliberate delays in the legal proceedings. This strategic manoeuvre exploited the time limits imposed by the Macedonian constitution for prosecuting criminals, effectively allowing him to escape justice. Astonishingly, Gruevski now holds a position as an adviser in Deutsche Bank in Budapest, and has even published a doctoral thesis detailing the intricacies of his criminal escape plan.

Day 11: Women in Rural Macedonia                                                                     21/08/23

Today marks the submission deadline for the ‘Balkan Peacebuilding Project’ proposal. Therefore, from today onwards, Legis will be working on empowering women in rural Macedonia who have little skills nor access to basic facilities nearby such as healthcare. Often their husbands will travel elsewhere in the country for seasonal work, leaving behind the women with very little to do. A previous success story is a woman who was able to learn to drive who created a service equivalent to ‘uber’. She now acts as the transport link for women in her local area.

Day 12-13: Emergency Relief Projects & More                                               22-23/08/23

During the crisis in 2015-16, Jasmin, in his capacity as the President of Legis, actively engaged in fieldwork alongside refugees, dedicating day and night to this cause. His presence at the border and in refugee camps, as a prominent public figure and human rights defender, had a demonstrably positive impact on the attitudes of the police working in those camps.

This crisis was manufactured by the government, with the intention of justifying the declaration of a State of emergency in Parliament, thereby granting increased powers to the police and enabling the construction of refugee camps. Videos from this period vividly captured the brutality of the police towards refugees. Jasmin’s responsibility was not only to report these instances of brutality to internal oversight authorities and the OSCE mission in Skopje but also, on numerous occasions, to physically intervene to prevent police officers from committing acts of violence and to assist with crowd control. Concurrently, the OSCE mission in Skopje organised training programs for the broader police force and extended an invitation to Jasmin to serve as one of the trainers.

It’s truly inspiring to see that Legis’ compassion for all human life goes beyond the borders of Macedonia. Legis responds to both national and international humanitarian crises. For example, when a devastating earthquake struck Turkey, Legis swiftly responded with emergency aid by dispatching a 20-ton lorry and assisting 11 other lorries in making the journey from Macedonia to Turkey. Just one week later, Jasmin and his wife Merhisa provided food to those in dire need. Legis has consistently played an active role in international humanitarian missions, including the 2011 mission in Somalia and, more recently, the response to the Turkey earthquake.

In addition to providing emergency relief, Legis also manages several ongoing projects funded by external partners. One such project focuses on educating children about internet safety. It’s heartening to know that Jasmin made sure this training was made available not only at his own school but also for his two younger daughters.  Moreover, Legis doesn’t just offer practical humanitarian aid and educational initiatives; it also plays a significant role in changing attitudes and culture. For instance, Legis runs a remarkable project called ‘From the East with Love,’ which aims to combat xenophobia and racism by involving volunteers from the Middle East who showcase their talents and crafts.

Day 14: Essential Item Distribution                                                                       24/08/23

Today I helped organise packages of essential items for Legis to distribute to those suffering from mobility issues, with the help of Emina (a female team member at Legis, self-described as the go-to person for handling a diverse array of tasks). Those in need of this support include the elderly and disabled, which prevents them from travelling to Legis headquarters to collect the packages for themselves. We embarked on a girls trip to purchase the items we needed (myself, Emina and Jasmin’s two daughters – Daliya and Amelia). As previously mentioned, Jasmin is the President of the organisation. Much of the day was spent assembling packages and taking count of stock which I was able to use as an opportunity to help the young girls with their maths skills. This was very sweet and I bonded with the two girls, so much so that the younger one would hover around me over the coming days which again, was very sweet.

The younger girl is very mischievous, whereas the older girl appears to be quiet but observant. I explained to her how people can often say ‘history’ is boring, but it isn’t boring for those who are interested in how it can explain why things are the way they are today. With a big smile, she responded by informing me “that’s exactly what my dad says”. Her relationship with her father is very sweet and you can see she hangs on every word he says as he educates her on history and politics. Despite her young age, she accompanies her father to refugee camp visitations. Though she is very young, it’s because of this relationship that she is so mature for her age with a high level of intellectual curiosity – something that reflects the relationship I had with my own father at a young age. Most days that I have worked at Legis, walking past Jasmin’s office, I would see the two young girls working on their homework with Jasmin, or engaging with him as he works. I didn’t manage to get a picture of the older girl, but the younger, more mischievous one participated in a photoshoot as you can see below. I felt it significant to document my experience of the people that work at Legis, because they really are the heart of the organisation and their commitment and dedication shines through in everything that they do. I will look back to my time here with fond memories, and miss them dearly! I hope to return one day. 

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